Denisa Čiderová – University of Economics in Bratislava, Faculty of Commerce, Dolnozemská cesta 1, 852 35 Bratislava,
Slovak Republic
Dubravka Kovačević – University of Economics in Bratislava, Faculty of Commerce, Dolnozemská cesta 1, 852 35 Bratislava,
Slovak Republic
*This paper results from: scientific research conducted at the University of Economics in Bratislava in the
framework of the KEGA project No. 002EU-4/2015 (Department of International Trade, Faculty of Commerce
of the University of Economics in Bratislava), the VEGA research project No. 1/0654/16 (Institute
of Economics and Management, University of Economics in Bratislava) and the VEGA research project
No. 1/0812/19 (Institute of Economics and Management, University of Economics in Bratislava); chapters:
[1] – [2] as well as an earlier chapter [3]; and is linked to the Ph.D. thesis titled Reflection of V4 Interests in
the Context of V4 Presidencies in the Enlarging and Reforming European Union as a Prerequisite for Agenda-
shaping in terms of the Netherlands – Slovakia – Malta (2016 – 2017) Presidency Troïka, successfully
defended by PhD. Dubravka Kovačević in 2019 and supervised by Assoc. Prof. PhD. Denisa Čiderová, as
well as the Master thesis [4] successfully defended by Ms. Beata Fejesová in 2013 and supervised by Assoc.
Prof. PhD. Denisa Čiderová.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.31410/ERAZ.2019.245
5th International Conference – ERAZ 2019 – KNOWLEDGE BASED SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT, Budapest – Hungary, May 23, 2019, CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS
Published by: Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans – Belgrade, Serbia
Conference partners: Faculty of Economics and Business, Mediterranean University, Montenegro; University of National and World Economy – Sofia, Bulgaria; Faculty of Commercial and Business Studies – Celje, Slovenia; Faculty of Applied Management, Economics and Finance – Belgrade, Serbia;
ISBN 978-86-80194-20-2, ISSN 2683-5568, DOI: https://doi.org/10.31410/ERAZ.2019
Abstract
On 1 May 2019 the European Union marked 15 years since the gradual launch of its (South-)
Eastern enlargement oriented on Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe as well as Mediterranean
states. SCHIMMELFENNIG [5: 186-188] reminds us that “in early 1990, the EC [as a predecessor of
the European Union encompassing twelve members – authors’ remark] proposed to conclude association
agreements without referring to, let alone promising, future membership. […] Furthermore, the EC
as a whole, and some of the reticent members in particular, used diverse delaying tactics to deflect the
CEECs’ [Central and Eastern European countries’ – authors’ remark] demands for full membership.
On the one hand, they were offered alternative arrangements like French President Mitterrand’s “European
Confederation” or Prime Minister Balladur’s “Stability Pact” for Europe as well as several ideas
of “membership light” (that is, excluding the more cost-intensive Community policies). On the other
hand, the urgency of other issues (such as the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty on European Union
or accession negotiations with the EFTAns [additional European Free Trade Association aspirants for
the EFTAn enlargement, having “reversed their initial decision to stay out of the common market” [6:
186] – authors’ remark]) has often provided a welcome opportunity to place the issue of Eastern enlargement
at the end of the agenda”.
Recently, “urgency of issues” could be linked to the post-crisis Roadmap for a More United, Stronger
and more Democratic Union targeting the European Union’s (EU) democratic, institutional and policy
framework, or the pending withdrawal [alias Brexit] negotiations with the United Kingdom; yet, in February
2018 the European Commission “reaffirmed the firm, merit-based prospect of EU membership
for the Western Balkans in its Communication A credible enlargement perspective for and enhanced EU
engagement with the Western Balkans” [7: 1].
EU enlargement symbolises a multidimensional “Europeanisation” process due to the spectrum of
(frequently mutually incompatible) interests (that are subject to modification in the course of time)
of a number of actors, as BAUEROVÁ [8: 204] puts it. In our article titled Visegrad meets Visegrad:
the Visegrad Four and the Western Balkans Six (2015) we claimed that enlargement of the EU over
the recent decade has not just expanded its territory or increased the headcount of its Single Market;
by almost doubling the number of its members the Union faces multifaceted implications beyond any
doubt. The CEECs, having been challenged by multiple transformation, assumed their rights just like
obligations associated with EU membership upon completion of transitional periods intended to allow
for as much a smooth integration process as possible; EU accession reinforced their prestige internationally
to the extent of intensity of their participation. Bearing in mind that the process of Europeanisation
(alias “EU-isation”) could be EU-driven or domestically-driven [9: 8-9], our focus will be on
the EU accession experience and perspectives in the case of the (among the Visegrad Group countries
most integrated) Slovak Republic, and Bosnia and Herzegovina, respectively, in the light of the 2019
Communication on EU Enlargement Policy released on 29 May 2019.
Key words
European Union enlargement, Europeanization, Western Balkans, Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Slovak Republic.
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